By Simon Weil
I
"In the crowds that attended the revivals and camp meetings [after
the Revolution] there were numbers of Negroes who found in the fiery
message of salvation a hope and prospect of escape from earthly woes.
Moreover, the emphasis which the preachers placed on feeling as a sign
of conversion found a ready response in the slaves who were repressed in
so many ways. There were other factors in the situation that caused the
slaves to respond to the forms of religious expression provided by the
Baptists and Methodists...the slaves, who had been torn from their
homeland and kinsmen and friends and whose cultural heritage was lost,
were isolated and broken men, so to speak. In the emotionalism of the
camp meetings and revivals some social solidarity, even if temporary,
was achieved, and they were drawn into a union with their fellow men.
Later, common religious beliefs and practices and traditions tended to
provide a new basis for social cohesion in an alien environment." The
Negro Church in America, E. Franklin Frazier, p. 16
It is not tenable to say that the cultural heritage of the slaves was
entirely lost - rather it became absorbed into the slave society built
around the church. Moreover to say that the slaves were broken men does
not fit with history. But Frazier has a vital point when he says that
the common religious beliefs of the church provided a new basis for
social cohesion and it is generally agreed that the church was the
centre of black slave society - and so, effectively, the fount from
which much of black society, and to some extent, jazz (from church
music) would flow.
"Charles Colcock Jones' son-in-law, the Reverend Robert Mallard, wrote
to his wife about a Negro service he witnessed in Chattanooga in 1859.
His reactions were characteristic not only of Presbyterian minister, but
of white southern society generally:
"I was much interested, and yet at the same time shocked by a
spectacle which I witnessed two nights ago. Hearing singing in the
neighborhood of the hotel, I went to the church from which it proceeded.
It belongs to the white congregation of a Cumberland Presbyterian
church. I stood at the door and looked in - and such a confusion of
sights and sounds! The Negroes were holding a revival meeting. Some were
standing, others sitting, others moving from one seat to another,
several exhorting along the aisles. The whole congregation kept up one
loud monotonous strain, interrupted by various sounds: groans and screams
and clapping of hands. One woman specially under the influence of the
excitement went across the church in a quick succesion of leaps: now
down on her knees with a sharp crack that smote upon my ear the full
length of the church, then up again; now with her arms around some
brother or sister, and again tossing them wildly in the air and clapping
her hands together and accompanying the whole by a series of short,
sharp shrieks - I was astonished that such proceedings were countenanced
in even a Cumberland church.. Considering the mere excitement manifested
in such disorderly ways, I could but ask; What religion is there in
this?...Some allowance, of course must be made for the excitability of
the Negro temperament...." Sinful Tunes and Spirituals, Epstein,
p. 205-6
"In providing a structured social life in which the negro could give
expression to his deepest feeling and at the same time achieve status
and a meaningful existence, the Negro church provided a refuge from a
hostile white world. For the slaves who worked and suffered in an alien
world, religion offered a means of catharsis of their pent-up emotions
and frustrations. Moreover it turned their minds from the sufferings and
privations of this world to a world after death where the weary could
find rest and the victims of injustices would be compensated." The
Negro Church in America, E. Franklin Frazier, p. 50
The shrieks, groans and screams which so upset Mallard are an example
of this catharsis - where the agony of the slave experience is given
expression within the safe and structured environment of the Church. For
an observer to hear the anguish behind these wordless forms of
expression, he would have had to face up to the reality of the
oppression of blacks by whites. In the 60s, when the oppression of
blacks by whites was brought to forefront of the public consciousness -
and changed somewhat - the scream became a core element of avant-garde
jazz. This article is however not about jazz itself, it is about the
reactions - in particular the negative reactions - that jazz has
induced. Mallard's reaction is a precursor of these.
II
The stereotypical association of blacks with "disorderly ways" or
chaos and "the excitability [or "passionate nature"] of the Negro
temperament" were ideas with wide currency - owing a great deal to
conceptions such as "The Dark Continent" and Africans as savage - and
appeared in many forms through the years. They are projections of white
fears onto blacks:
"'There were no mobs in the slave South,' explained South Carolina
planter James Henry Hammond in 1845, only the 'habitual vigilance' of a
citizenry 'concerned in the maintenance of order.' 'The people' might
'assemble to chastise' a trespassing abolitionist, but this was no more
a mob, than a rally of shepherds to chase a wolf out of their pastures
would be one. If abolition were forced upon it, this society would
immediately collapse: former slaves would wander the land, idle except
to plunder...
[After Emancipation] While black voters frightened white men, African
American militias terrified them. In the eyes of many white men, black
men were inherently unfit for citizenship. Black men could not
constitute a legitimate body of 'the people,' fitted for public
meetings, political rallies, or military service. When black men did
take on these roles, whites portrayed them as comical and ignorant, or
more often impudent and riotous - as a mob. Reconstruction consisted of
corrupt 'misrule' and 'taxation without representation' by the 'voting
power' of 'an impressible people, whose passions and prejudices [are]
easily excited.' To many whites, the elevation of such unsuitable
citizens to this position of authority created chaos masquerading as
order, a polity that those commited to a white male monopoly on
citizenship must oppose as fundamentally illegitimate. Black women's
participation in the early stages of Reconstruction electoral politics -
including, most famously, guarding the weapons during a meeting - struck
some white observers as further evidence of how chaotic politics had
become. Men and women, laborers, renegades, and aliens, the Republicans
represented all the forces of disorder." "One Man's Mob," Kantrovitz; in
Jumpin Jim Crow, ed. Dailey et al., p. 69
For their part, Southern whites were convinced that it was blacks who
were dangerous, who bred the violence that hung over the South.
Virtually every issue of every Southern newspaper contained an account
of black wrongdoing; if no episode could be found, episodes were
imported from as far away as necessary; black crimes perpetrated in the
North were especially attractive. Black men were thought to be inclined
toward certain sorts of crimes, crimes of passion rather than crimes of
cunning. "The longer I am here, the more I dread and fear the nigger," a
white woman from Massachusetts wrote to a relative from her new home in
Louisiana. "They have no regard for their own lives, and seem to have no
feeling. Consequently if they have some fancied wrong to avenge, the
first thing they think of is to kill. You rarely hear of them fighting
fist fights. It is always a razor or knife or revolver." Southern
Crossing, A History of the American South 1877-1906, Ayers, p. 105
The particular crime of passion most on whites' minds was rape:
"Northen's [William J. Northen, ex-governer of Georgia,
ex-confederate] antilynching movement [1906-7] sought to augment the
power and authority of an elite group of 'sun-crowned, God-given' white
businessmen, planters, and ministers who would protect the sexual purity
of white women from black rapists and the integrity of 'civilization'
from white mob participants...
Like Northen, white male Georgians of all classes embraced their
self-appointed roles as the 'protectors of women'". "William J.
Northen...", Godshalk; in Jumpin' Jim Crow, ed. Dailey et al.,
pp. 141 and 6
Although most lynchings were inflicted in response to alleged murder,
most of the rhetoric and justification focused on the so-called "one
crime" or "usual crime": the sexual assault of white women by blacks.
Southern Crossing, A History of the American South 1877-1906,
Ayers, p. 109
III
The idea of blacks as agents of chaos and passion (especially sexual
passion) fed into the early response to ragtime and jazz, in origin
black forms, which became the locus for fears about sexuality and
anarchy. It was suggested that Jazz was associated with a loss of
civilized control.
"Jazz originally was the accompaniment of the vodoo dancers
stimulating the half-crazed barbarians to the vilest deeds. The weird
chant, accompanied the syncopated rhythm of the voodoo evokers has also
been employed by barbaric people to stimulate brutality and sensuality.
That it has a demoralising effect upon the human brain has been
demonstrated by many scientists...
...jazz - that expression of protest against law and order, the
bolshevik element of license striving for expression in music.
The human organism responds to musical vibrations. This fact is
universally recognised. What instincts are aroused by jazz? Certainly
not the deeds of valor or martial courage, for all marches and patriotic
hymns are of regular rhythm and simple harmony; decidedly not
contentment or serenity, for the songs of home and the love of native
land are all of the simplest melody and harmony with noticeably regular
rhythm. Jazz disorganizes all regular laws and order; it stimulates to
extreme deeds, to a breaking away from all rules and conventions; it is
harmful and dangerous, and its influence is wholly bad.
...In a recent letter to the author, Dr Henry van Dyke says of jazz:
'As I understand it, it is not music at all. It is merely an irritation
of the nerves of hearing, a sensual teasing of the strings of physical
passion. Its fault lies not in syncopation, for that is a legitimate
device when sparingly used. But "jazz" is an unmitigated cacophony, a
combination of disagreeable sounds in complicated discords, a wilful
ugliness and a deliberate vulgarity.' "Does Jazz Put the Sin in
Syncopation?" [1921]; in Keeping Time, ed. Walser, p. 34-6
An overview of the negative responses:
"By 1922, helped by the increasingly available phonograph and radio,
jazz or what passed for it seemed to blare from every street corner and
living room in the land. While some classical music lovers listened with
interest, many more were appalled and feared that the chaotic new sound
represented the swan song of America, even of western civilization. This
potential downfall was graphically dramatized in J. Hartley Mariner's
1922 play The National Anthem, in which a group of white middle-class
youngsters 'jazzed' their way to degeneracy, ignoring the dire warnings
of the older generation. That same year an editor of the classically
oriented Musical Courier polled his subscribers, mainly musicians, about
jazz and reported the results under the heading "'Jazz' - The National
Anthem?" Those polled "all agreed the 'ad libbing' or 'jazzing' of a
piece is thoroughly objectionable and several of them advanced the
opinion that this Bolshevistic smashing of the rules and tenets of
decorous music, this excessive freedom of interpretation, tended to a
similar letdown on the part of the dancers, a similar disregard for the
self-contained attitude that has been prescribed by the makers of the
rules of dignified intercourse." Jazz, Myth and Religion,
Leonard, p. 3-4
For some Americans, there was moral panic:
"In Christian homes, where purity and morals are stressed, ragtime
should find no resting place. Avaunt the ragtime rot! Let us purge
America and the divine art of music from this polluting nuisance."
Leonard, p. 10
Similar views for both Ragtime and Jazz:
..."A person inoculated with ragtime-fever is like one addicted to
strong drink!" wrote one alarmist before the War. And after the
Armistice, a respected New York physician declared that "jazz music
causes drunkenness... producing thought and imaginations which overpower
the will. Reason and reflection are lost and actions of persons are
directed by the stronger animal passions." Leonard, p. 11
In an article, "Ragtime, the New Tarantism," the British critic
Francis Toye asserted that the new sounds "show precisely the kind of
'vitality' associated with Revivalism peculiar to the negro! What need
have we of further witnesses? For of all hysteria that particular
semireligious hysteria is nearer to madness than any other." [1913] Such
feelings flourished on both sides of the Atlantic and complimented fears
of an overall black contagion working its way into the heart of our
national life. One commentator asked: "Can it be said that America is
falling prey to the collective soul of the negro through the influence
of what is popularly known as 'rag time music?' ...If there is such a
tendency toward such a national disaster, it should definitely be
pointed out and extreme measures taken to inhibit the influence and
avert the increasing danger - if it has not already gone too
far...American 'rag time' or 'ragtime' evolved music is symbolic of the
primitive morality and perceptible moral restrictions of the negro type.
With the latter sexual restraint is almost unknown, and the wildest
latitude of moral uncertainty is conceded."
The medical director of the Philadelphia High School for Girls
claimed in the Twenties that "the consensus of opinion of leading
medical and scientific authorities is that [jazz's] influence is as
harmful and degrading as it has been all along among the savages from
whom we borrowed it" and warned that if the disease continued to spread
it "may tear to pieces the whole social fabric." Leonard, p. 11-2
IV
Fear of jazz was a contagion that spread to totalitarian societies in
Europe:
"[T]here are rumblings, wails and howls like the smarting of a metal
peg, the shriek of a donkey, or the amorous croaking of a monstrous
frog. This insulting chaos of insanity pulses to a throbbing rhythm.
Listening for a few minutes to these wails, one involuntarily imagines
an orchestra of sexually driven madmen conducted by a man-stallion
brandishing a huge genital member...The music of the degenerate ends
finally with a deafening thud..." Maxim Gorky in Pravda [1928];
quoted in Ken Burns Jazz, p. 216
Indeed, the most extreme example of these reactions was to be in the
Third Reich. The Nazis banned jazz, "nigger-jew" music, soon after
coming to power in 1933, though, in reality it continued to exist in
various forms...They made an image of a caricature black man sporting a
star of David and blowing a saxophone - a jazzman - the personification
of "Degenerate Music" - all that they opposed. It was "the art of the
subhuman," according to Goebbels.
And in Denmark:
"Jazz was not born in nor has it ever been integrated into European
culture. It was introduced from the violent need of a primitive race for
rhythmic ecstasy and cannot grow organically here. It represents
mankind's lowest bestial instincts. Jungle jazz rhythm is an expression
of primitive Negro erotic ecstacy...The fact that the white race
tolerates this sort of thing indicates our culture's decline. Denmark
should follow Germany. When Hitler banned jazz, it was a great
idealistic act." Olaf Sobys, 1935; quoted in Swing Under the
Nazis, Zwerin, p. 177
V
If you look up the word "jazz" in the dictionary you find, among
other things, the idea of Jazzing it up - That is make more exciting by
adding things, chopping things around, elaborating on, whatever. But
this is more or less what happened in early jazz - "rough" - is what the
rhythm was, chopped up etc. - hence more exciting. In the atmosphere of
that time this went with dancing and (inevitably) the suggestion of
sexual freedom. One can see how the basis of the Jazz = sex connection
might have occurred. Jazz sometimes being said to have originally meant
Sex.
But equally adding things and chopping things around makes for a
music that is liable to sound chaotic to the untrained/unaccustomed ear
(to use the argument from Attali in Noise). So there are rational
grounds for those two reactions. But the passion of the reponse - the
moral panic and its widespread nature - indicates that something other
than rational grounds were at play here. And that is why I suggest that
it involves the play of age-old stereotypes. And society didn't collapse
and people didnÃÂÃÂÃÂÃÂt turn into sex-fiends.
These problems were problems in the society that were played out
through jazz, the new popular music of that age (and implictly through
the figure of "The Negro"). In the '60s and '70s some related problems
(and other different ones) were played out through rock, the new popular
music of that age. Whatever the intrinsic value these forms might have
is obscured by the way The Time acted itself out through the music.
Futher innovations in jazz saw a further jazzing up - moving away from
standard tunes - with bebop and then with ÃÂÃÂÃÂÃÂfree jazzÃÂÃÂÃÂÃÂ. Both, being
novel, required acclimatization from the listener if they were not to
sound chaotic. So one saw further criticisms of jazz as anarchic for
both these forms. But because bebop and free jazz were not truly popular
musics, this criticism did not, by and large, come from the popular
press but rather from critics from within a now established form.
A comment of this sort came from D. Leon Wolff when he wrote, in
Bop is Nowhere, "...the end result [of bop rhythm] is more
chaotic and stupefying than it is rhythmically satisfying for the
listener." While Dizzy Gillespie countered Satch's attacks on the form
with "Louis Armstrong couldn't hear what we were doing. Pops wasn't
schooled enough to hear the changes and harmonies we played."
In the '60s a new wave of critics took up the baton against the new
avant-garde of Coleman, Coltrane and Taylor. These critics, and their
offspring, continue their attacks today - making this one of the longer
running aesthetic debates of the 20th (and now 21st) Century. One of
them, Philip Larkin, seemed somewhat aware of the way he was repeating
comments made in the past about music which he loved and considered
unimpeachable - but not enough to make him doubt:
"Merely a raucous and inarticulate shouting of hoarse throated
instruments, with each player trying to outdo his fellows in fantastic
cacophony - yes, if it's the New Wave you are talking about you took the
words right out of my mouth. Only, of course, it isn't, or wasn't. This,
of the stately, and classic music of Armstrong, Morton and Ellington. It
makes you despair of human perception." All What Jazz [1966],
Larkin, p. 159
A more characteristic example:
"...swing. Coltrane and Dolphy seem intent on deliberately destroying
this essence, this vital ingredient. They seem bent on pursuing an
anarchistic course in music that can but be termed anti-jazz." John
Tynan, 1961; quoted in Avant-Garde Jazz Musicians, Such, p. 10
The centre for this sort of criticism nowadays is
Marsalis/Murray/Crouch triumvirate:
"Art has to do with security against chaos. What we want are durable
forms, things that endure...
Ornette Coleman came along and said, 'This is free jazz.' But what is
freer than jazz, you are talking about freedom of improvisation. The
whole thing is about freedom, about American freedom. So why would
anybody want to free it from its forms? The whole idea of art is to
create a form that is a bulwark against entropy or chaos. Jazz is not
meant to be formless and absolutely self-indulgent. That's like
embracing the waves in the sea. You cannot embrace entropy. You cannot
embrace chaos." Murray, quoted in Jazz, a History of America's
Music, Ward and Burns, p. 343
"I've talked to Ornette about his conception of free jazz. I don't
understand it. I think it's chaos. Maybe it's not, but that's what I
think it is. Chaos is always out there; it's something you can get from
any fifty kids in a band room. I'm in favor of using that conception
when kids first start playing. It helps them explore their instruments
without restraint..." American Heritage, Marsalis [1995]
Marsalis on avant-garde jazz as cacophonous: "[Monk's] themes are timeless and he teaches us how to be modern without stooping to the kind of cacophonous cliches that have been misinterpreted as bold or futuristic.
Monk uses wide intervals, jagged melodies, unexpected rhythms. But,
instead of making us feel like we have stepped into the calamitous
caterwauling at the end of the world [ie. the sort of avant-garde jazz
that Marsalis decries] Monk brings us right down home for a meal of
blues and swing..." Marsalis on Monk, sleevenotes
Murray locates the source of degeneration in whites:
"...decadent white esthetes...encouraged and subsidized more abandon
between the Hudson and Harlem rivers in uptown Manhattan than ever
existed in the Congo...Abandon...is one of the natural products of
freedom that comes with what is called civilization. It is the
super-civilized avant-garde bohemian...who is forever and ever in
wild-eyed, hot collar, soap-box, street-marching or window breaking
rebellion against all sorts of restrictions - some of them purely
imaginary." The Omni-Americans, Murray, p. 155 [1970]
And makes it clear that this has had its effect on avant-garde jazz:
"The current black arts movement...is nothing if not avant-garde,
ersatz tiger noises underneath the bamboo tree boom boom and all. But
the avant-garde sort of thing is not exclusive to the cogniscenti these
days...Some of it comes out on Columbia and RCA Victor records." Murray,
p. 155-6
For Murray, the stereotype of the black rapist (and thus jazz) is not
rejected but turned around:
"You mentioned that Greenwich Village poet in your other letter.
Which reminds me that he got so shook up that I never did realize what I
was really trying to tell him. I was trying to tell him that fay [white]
boys were making a myth of the Negro 'stud' psychological fact. That all
that old talk was turning the Negro man into such a sex object that fay
chicks were already half fucked before they even got into bed. I also
said something to him about chicks imagining that they were raped, and
pointed out to him that they didn't have to be raped except perhaps on
demand. [Women demanding to be raped? What is that?] And then I said
something about not being able to reconcile my personal knowledge of a
tradition of sophisticated sexual technique and barnyard pride in
effective coxmanship with the newspaper image of Negroes as frantic
snatchers & grabbers. I also pointed out that jazz represented CONTROL
not abandon, as did all forms of American Negro dancing. Man, I was
mainly trying to destroy the image of the rapist, and I created for him
the supercoxman!" Trading Twelves, Murray, p. 211-2 [8/17/59]
Putting these quotes together Murray is saying that the avant-garde
jazz of the 60s was the result of the corruption of blacks (and hence
Jazz) by whites with their alleged taste for the out of control and
decadent. That is he turns round the old allegations (of blacks
corrupting whites) from the 20s and earlier. As he says, he was
attempting to reverse the preceding stereotype.
VI
The above comments concentrate on the time-honoured fears of jazz as
chaotic/anarchic. Overall, the Lincoln Center ideologues do not find
reason to fear jazz (or elements of it) as sexual music. Or perhaps they
don't make that fear explicit. Those fears of oversexualised music do
exist though. Marsalis construes pop and rock in those terms:
"...to me pop music [is] really geared to a whole base type of sexual
thing. I listen to the radio. I know tunes that they have out now:
here's people squirming on the ground, fingering themselves. It's
low-level realizations of sex." "Wynton vs. Herbie" [1985]; in
Keeping Time, ed. Walser, p. 343-4
Here Marsalis explains how his experience as a teenage musician
underlies his ideas:
"[Q] Why jazz? Why not, as with most of your contemporaries, why not
rock and roll? Why jazz?
[WM] Well, I always equated rock with something social like meeting
girls, and stuff. I never equated it with music. So I would be on the
bandstand, and the music itself was all right, but I had also heard my
daddy and them play. So I knew what was going on our bandstand - rock -
wasn't going on his bandstand...
It's like, if you go in a club and hear Coltrane play, or if you go
into one of those clubs down on 42nd Street and take in a burlesque
show, well it's a club and you are going out but it's very different."
Achievement Org Interview [1991]
Here he explains the difference between the effect of jazz and of rock:
"[WM] So there is so much in jazz music to be studied and to be
learned...The music had the effect of liberating a lot of people from
the Victorian image of sexuality. But for some reason people still think
they need to be liberated from that. That is something jazz music was
doing around the turn of the century. And now it's degenerated in the
modern era to a type of vulgarity that is represented by rock and roll,
which parades under the guise of giving you sexual freedom, which is
really, truly, sexual repression.
Sexual freedom is found in the sensuality and the romance and the
lyricism of the great songwriters like George Gershwin and Cole Porter
and Duke Ellington, and of the great instrumentalists like Louis
Armstrong. These people had a truly romantic conception that was based
on the elevation of the relationship between a man and a woman, rather
than the denigration of it into just some abusive sexual discoveries."
Achievement Org Interview [1991]
VII
So, for Marsalis, pop and rock are abusive, degenerate forms - to do
with base sexuality - and indeed, drawing people into that. This is more
or less the charge that was laid at the feet of jazz previously. It
implies that pop and rock can corrupt sexually in just the same way as
jazz was asserted to. And they can corrupt anyone. In MarsalisÃÂÃÂÃÂÃÂs now
nearly 20 year long campaign against Miles Davis he consistently asserts
that his predecessor was "corrupted" by rock. As we shall see, Marsalis
recently made clear that part of this "corruption" was sexual:
"We gotta drop some bombs here. Indict some motherfuckers. Talk about
the music. I don't want to cut Freddie [Hubbard] down. I'd rather cut
Miles down than Freddie. He ain't doing nothing. I think Freddie has
taken enough heat. He's a great trumpet player. He's a great musician.
Miles was never my idol, I resent what he's doing because it gives the
scene such a let-down...I think Bird would roll over in his grave if he
knew what was going on...there's an interview with Miles where he said
he didn't hear me and he's not interested in hearing me because we're
all imitating Fats Navarro. He imitated the shit out of Fats Navarro the
first five years, and Clark Terry and Louis Armstrong and Monk and
Dizzy. Then he sits up and talks about how he listens to Journey and
Frank Sinatra. He's just co-signing white boys, just tomming." Marsalis
Interview [July 1983] in Carr, p. 435
"..the more famous [Wynton Marsalis] became, the more he started
saying things - nasty, disrespectful things - about me, things I've
never said about musicians who influenced me and who I had great respect
for." Miles: The Autobiography, Miles Davis and Quincy Troupe, p.
349-50 [1989]
In a piece written after Miles death, Wynton perhaps felt it
expedient to mute his hatred of Miles' fusion period:
"However controversial the last twenty years of Miles Davis's career
have been, there is no doubt that the lyrical beauty, the poignancy of
his sound and the ability he had to address the fundamentals of jazz
will forever be of value to all musicians and all true listeners. He
knew how to organize bands. Few in jazz or in any other music have been
as good as he was at his best." Marsalis, tribute to Miles [11/91]; in
Carr, p. 550
But next year:
"MB: About Miles (Davis), when you first came on the scene and all
and he was just coming back into his career, there seemed like there was
some kind of a rift between the two of you, at least in the press, I
don't know if it was manufactured or what. What exactly caused that?
WM: Well, the rift was that I was trying to play Jazz and he was
trying to play pop music and use his status as a great Jazz musician to
relieve the pressure that the art form of Jazz put on the United States
of America in terms of education. So you know the big debate in Jazz was
always - is it just some lightweight pop entertainment which actually
has also a race component in it ... or is it an art form that addresses
the American mythology and which needs to be looked at seriously? Now at
one time he was adamant that it was an art form that needed to be
addressed seriously. That was when he was really playing and being
serious. That's the Miles Davis that I was attracted to. Then in the
late 1960's when Rock came over, when Rock was in the United States of
America and it became real popular and they were making all of the money
and getting all the publicity - then he switched over and wanted to be a
Rock musician. So when I came on the scene, I came out to play Jazz. But
I came out in the after- math of a scene that was decimated by Jazz
musicians like him who tried to imitate Rock musicians, so that made it
much, much more difficult for someone like me to learn how to play
because the feel of Jazz had been, I mean, you know what happened. So
always there had to be a rift between he and I because I was trying to
represent the tradition of Jazz dealing with American mythology and he
was trying to make some money and be commercial and sell his position as
a great Jazz musician to cosign this, whatever it was that he was
doing." Wynton Marsalis Interview, All About Jazz [1992]
In 1994, Marsalis alluded to Miles in scurrilous terms:
"Better yet, ask one who has surrendered. He can better describe the
feeling of neglect, having succumbed to it. He is still a warrior,
albeit a fallen one. Now more celebrated in defeat. Ask, if you want to
know the pitiful truth of surrender after a too-long struggle with
forces that have always been unbeatable - forces of prejudice, of
ignorance, of apathy, greed, the inhumane. But you probably can't find
the words. How do you talk to an old fallen warrior who has surrendered
senselessly, soon after defeat was assured, surrendered before the good
fighting begins, the fight for the life of a thing? Now he tours the
world in a cage to represent the grandeur of those who have defeated
him, an old Hannibal in the hands of the Romans. Trapped in his own
fame, and on display Miles away from his capitulation. Now the tales of
his victories are exaggerated because they no longer honor himself, but
his captors, who will graciously define him and his generations. That is
the way of war.
..the fallen proclaim, 'I had to change with the times,' or 'So
what?'..." Sweet Swing Blues on the Road, Marsalis, p. 161-5
[1994]
The allusion is via the capitalisation of the M and ÃÂÃÂÃÂÃÂSo WhatÃÂÃÂÃÂÃÂ:
In a 1999 interview for Ken Burns, Wynton made explicit that
MilesÃÂÃÂÃÂÃÂ ÃÂÃÂÃÂÃÂcorruptionÃÂÃÂÃÂÃÂ had been in part mediated by sex (which we know
Marsalis associates with rock):
"I think that when Miles stood up and saw Sly and the Family Stone
and all the women they had, and women of all races now, white women and
black women, not that he hadn't enjoyed himself but now they're in the
media, they get in the gossip papers and they got thousands of people
hollering and screaming at the music. He's playing trumpet in a jazz
band. They got the electric guitars going, the afros, the psychedelic
pants, the groove the boom boom is hot and everybody's hot and they're
screaming. There, people never did that for Charlie Parker. He could
feel that he was old and out-of-date. And he did not want to grow old.
...As fusion progresses, we see that the musicians' desire is not to
come up with a jazz sensibility and use things from rock and roll, but
it is to become a glorified pop musician who can play instrumental music
also. No, but it's to become the, the musicians desire is not to become,
it's not to take rock and roll and bring it into the sensibility of
jazz, but it's to become a rock and roll musician and participate in all
the benefits of that should be the money and the groupies and all that
and play a jazz solo every now and then. And this comes, we get to see
it in full, in full bloom when Miles Davis returns in the early 80s with
a straight instrumental pop album with no overtones of fusion at all."
Ken Burns Interview [1999]
This is one of the latest shots fired by Marsalis in a campaign
besmirching DavisÃÂÃÂÃÂÃÂ name. As I say it has been going on for many years.
In it a black man now asserts that a black jazz musician has been
corrupted by the sexual content associated with a white form of music.
And the basis is no stronger than in the twenties when black jazz was
asserted to be sexually corrupting young whites. In turning round the
age-old accusations of corruption, rather, Marsalis is following his
mentor Murray. I demonstrate that, for Davis, the original attraction of
Sly Stone was his ideology of integration in my article on Bitches Brew.
That is Miles wasn't "corrupted" at all.